The New Nation - Internet Edition

Vulnerability to climate change

SPEAKING as chief guest at a seminar in the city recently on 'Climate change and soil science', President Iajuddin Ahmed said Bangladesh is relentlessly working with both national and international forums to face 'adverse effects' of climate change as it's one of the countries vulnerable to global warming. Various adverse effects on ecosystem, agricultural production, soil and water degradation due to climate change and rise in sea level have already been observed. The President referred to the forecast made by environmental scientists saying world's poor countries, especially the island states and those at the coastal belts would be affected badly due to climate change.

The world community has already raised their voice to face the challenges as climate has become so erratic that countries like Bangladesh have already started experiencing the adverse impacts. Delayed arrival of winter this year has damaged cash crops like mustard, onion, lentils, potato and tomato with diseases as sprawling fields of such plants have been affected by pests. Located between the Himalayas and the Bay of Bengal, Bangladesh

is most vulnerable to climate change and the country's farmers may face serious difficulties in overcoming the effects of the global warming. Farmers go for cultivation of cash crops so that they can invest the proceeds in 'Boro' crop that requires higher investment.

The meteorological department has already given warnings to the agricultural extension department and has asked for taking precautionary measures to protect crops by spraying anti-fungal chemicals on potato and tomato, if necessary. Delay of winter hampers fruiting of the winter crops. Warm weather causes pest attacks and disease even resulting in sterility. Though extreme changes are noticeable nowadays, Bangladesh does not have adequate data to properly assess manifestations of climate change.

Improving FDI flows

IT comes as rather worrying news that foreign direct investment (FDI) into Bangladesh that had been otherwise showing slow but steady uptrends in the present decade declined by some 16 per cent in 2007. The flow of FDI was no better in 2008. The slowdown in the FDI flow may have been caused by multiple reasons. The new government should take stock of the situation and identify the main factors discouraging foreign investment. Such assessment would surely point to the insufficiency as the main disincentive. Foreign investors not only must have assurances of good energy supply by the time their enterprises aim to go into operation.

The caretaker government has done some good work in the last two years in the sense that some 1,000 mw of power would be added to the national grid by June of the present year from the coming into operation of a number of small power plants which are at different stages of installation. So, the new government will not face a major power crisis in its first year. But it must get down to work to establish some big power plants at the fastest.

The potential foreign investors must get assurance of expanding energy supply. Thus, the government must gird up its loins and go all out to improve the supply of energy. Doing of this can be the best stimulus for FDI and even local investment. The government also will have to create confidence among investors that they are willing to sincerely contribute towards a stable political environment. Foreign investments are attracted when relevant authorities remain engaged in maintaining the optimum performance of key infrastructures such as ports and roads and there is greater and diverse infrastructure building activities to facilitate investment.

Justice Syed Mahbub Murshed-A tribute

Prof. A. F. Salahuddin Ahmed

The late Justice Syed Mahbub Murshed symbolised all that was best in Bengali cultural tradition. He was born in 1911 in an aristocratic family of Murshidabad district of West Bengal. His father Syed Abdus Salek was a Deputy Magistrate. He was an accomplished oriental scholar. His mother was a sister of Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul Haq. From his ancestral background Murshed had acquired a rare degree of urbanity and refinement together with deep love for learning, both Eastern and Western. His great uncle Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq had instilled into his mind a profound sense of patriotism and love for the common man, the under-privileged and the downtrodden. After obtaining his B.A. Honours and Master's Degrees in Economics as well as Bachelor of Law degree from the Calcutta University, Murshed went to England for higher studies in Law. He was called to the Bar from the Lincoln's Inn in 1939. While in England Murshed had come in contact with some of the leading British Liberals and Socialists who were sympathetic to the political aspirations of the people of the Indian sub-continent. It may be noted that the intervening years between the two World Wars (1919-1939) saw on one hand, the rise of the Nazi and Fascist dictatorship and millenarian, while on the other, there was an upsurge in democratic, nationalist, anti-imperialist and anti-fascist forces to resist all kinds of exploitation and tyranny. Young Murshed had no hesitation in making his choice. He was an enthusiastic supporter of the anti-imperialist, antifascist democratic forces. He returned home thoroughly well-versed in English constitutional practice and an abiding faith in the rule of law.

Syed Mahbub Murshed joined the Calcutta High Court in 1939 and soon drew the attention of all as a very promising barrister. He had married the daughter of A.K.M. Zakaria a leading nationalist Muslim leader who was elected Mayor of Calcutta Corporation. Zakaria was opposed to the communal politics of the Muslim League and was an advocate of secular nationalism. Meanwhile. Murshed had drawn wide public attention for his independent thinking which was reflected in his incisive articles published in the British newspaper The Guardian and the leading Indian daily The Statesman. He was particularly critical of Jinnah's communal politics.

During the great Bengal famine of 1943 Murshed rendered valuable service. He was actively associated with the relief operations of Anjuman-e-Mufidul Islam particularly in distribution of food to the poor and the destitute in different areas of Calcutta. During the Great Calcutta Killing of 1946 he came forward to give relief to the riot-victims and help in their rehabilitation. He also worked to re-establish communal harmony.

After partition of India in 1947 Murshed continued to practice at the Calcutta High Court. But the outbreak of large-scale communal riots in 1950 in both West Bengal and East Pakistan created a serious threat to life and security of the minorities in both the regions. The situation had somewhat improved after the Nehru-Liaquat Pact of 1950. Murshed actively helped in implementing the Pact. But in view of continued uncertainty and tension he migrated to Dhaka with his family in 1951. He now started his practice at the Dhaka High Court and resolved to identify himself with the hopes and aspirations of the people of this region. Thus during the Language Movement of 1952 he gave solid support to the demand for making Bengali as one of the state languages of Pakistan. At the time of the provincial elections of 1954 Murshed assisted Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq and other United Front leaders in formulating the Twenty-one demands. In 1955 he was appointed a Judge of Dhaka High Court. From now on Justice Murshed's career entered a new phase. He was a fearless champion of the rule of law and an unflinching advocate of fairplay in all aspects of national life. He did not hesitate to lend moral support to the legitimate aspirations of the people of this region. The Language Movement had aroused Bengali national consciousness. The Pakistan central government having failed in their move to make Urdu as the only state language now launched an attack on the composite and humanistic aspects of Bengali literary and cultural tradition. Realising that Rabindranath Tagore symbolised this great tradition the Pakistani rulers now made a vicious move to inject communal venom into the minds of the people. A handful of Bengali Muslim intellectuals were induced to issue a public statement declaring that since Tagore was not a Muslim: his works could not provide inspiration to the development of a distinct Bengali Muslim literary and cultural consciousness. Hence they demanded that Tagore should be banished from the Bengali Muslim literary and cultural scene. Against this vicious move there was a widespread protest and a large number of Bengali writers and intellectuals issued counter-statement declaring that Tagore despite being non-Muslim truly symbolised the literary and cultural heritage of the Bengali-speaking people both Hindus and Muslims. They pointed out that religion and culture were not coterminous. Culture, according to them had a much wider connotation. It included within its domain many other elements besides religion. In addition to Islamic religious element derived largely from the Sufi saints and Muslim rulers of Perso-Afghan and Turgo-Mughal origin the culture of the Bengali Muslims had been greatly enriched by admixture and assimilation of a variety of indigenous elements which had given it its distinctive character. Both Rabindranath Tagore and Kazi Nazrul Islam represented this unique cultural tradition. It was a composite, syncretistic and humanist tradition in which the Bengali-speaking people irrespective of their religious faith could always take pride. This realisation in face of the Pakistan government's move to denigrate Tagore aroused a new cultural renaissance amongst the Bengali intellectuals of the then East Pakistan. This was reflected in the unprecedented enthusiasm with which the birth anniversary of Tagore was celebrated in the country. Justice Murshed ignoring the displeasure of the Government, agreed to be the Chairman of the Tagore Birth Centenary Organising Committee. His towering personality was a great source of strength to the committee. The popularity of Tagore songs increased manifold.

Justice Murshed was a firm advocate of unfettered democracy. No wonder therefore, that he was not happy with the so-called 'basic democracy' introduced by the military President of Pakistan Field Marshal Ayub Khan. It was nothing but dictatorship in a democratic garb. Attempts to curb the independence of the judiciary seriously disturbed his mind. He therefore took the momentous decision to resign from the post of Chief Justice in November 1967. Henceforth he resolved to work for promoting the cause of democracy in the country. Although he did not join any political party he fully supported the Six Points Programme which had been put forward by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Justice Murshed believed that the Sheikh was not just a party leader: he personified the hopes and aspirations of the people of East Bengal. He therefore did not hesitate to lend his moral support to this movement. When the infamous Agartala Conspiracy Case was instituted by the Government in 1968 Justice Murshed was actively involved in briefing the lawyers who were engaged in defending Sheikh Mujib and others implicated in the case. In the face of mass upheaval the government was forced to release Sheikh Mujib and withdraw the Agartala Conspiracy Case. In early 1969 Justice Murshed was one of those few independent non-party men who had been invited to participate in the Round Table Conference called by President Ayub Khan for resolving the political crisis. Justice Murshed took an active part in the deliberations of the conference. He strongly supported Sheikh Mujib's stand and his Six Points Programme and did not hesitate to point out repeatedly that the demands put forward by "Mujib" truly represented the collective will of the people of East Pakistan. (This was disclosed to the author by Dr. M. N. Huda who was also a participant at the Conference).

The tragic events following the Round Table Conference greatly distressed Justice Murshed. His health had already deteriorated. During the 1971 War of Liberation the Pakistan military regime had tried to involve Justice Murshed in the so called Peace Committee to hoodwink the world that nothing untoward had happened in East Pakistan. But Justice Murshed despite possible threat to his security boldly refused to collaborate with the regime.

It is a matter of regret that the services of this noble man, great jurist, fearless judge and a committed intellectual who had always upheld democratic and human values, were not utilised by the Bangladesh Government after liberation. After suffering from protracted illness Justice Murshed passed away peacefully on April 3. 1979. When shall we realise that a nation which does not honour its great sons can never achieve true greatness?

The impressions given by the new government

Dr. M. S. Haq

The initial thrust of very first behaviors reportedly associated with the government led by PM Hasina has generated, among other things, hopes and expectations of various types and dimensions among Bangladeshis and others, to whom it may concern - relative to time, space and other variables, though. The structural and the non-structural faces of newly formed cabinet and the reported attempts towards coping with national priorities from day one by the new government are among factors apparently responsible for forming the critical mass of very first impressions given to Bangladeshis and others by the government. It is fine. Congratulations!

In the midst of above developments, it is apparent, though, the fringe spaces of those impressions are - as at today, 8th day of January 2009 - not immune to concerns emanating from factors such as and as appropriate - presented below in a question form: One, whether or not the country will be able to harness - in the full interest of all concerned and in the best interest of all concerned - maximum potentials of a significantly large ruling party vis-à-vis a small opposition party in the parliament during the tenure of present government?

Two, to what extent and how the consequences of for example, ongoing inter-political party strife will affect the realization of election manifestos between now and the foreseeable future? Who will be the beneficiaries? What will be the size of suffering population? How long Bangladesh will allow the culture of political revenge-taking to continue and at what costs?

What will be the role of unproductive and isolation-centered political behaviors, as well as practices of the past in the country's upcoming system of governance?

Three, how best and quickest Bangladesh will be able to cope with uncertainties associated say, the future of Bangladesh in the next 5 years?

Four, how best and quickest the government will be able to cope with the country's average deficit in areas say, fairness, justice, truth, trust, confidence, competence, entrepreneurial skills, transparency and accountability?

How best and quickest the country's political mindsets and practices will - in practical terms - be able to rise on the occasion in favor of say, justice for all in Bangladesh and the world at large? One of the AL ministers - while talking recently to the electronic media people - declared inter alia a thorough investigation into corruption that had made Bangladesh the lead corrupt country for three times during the last BNP-Jamaat government will be held in future. But he apparently fell short in mentioning to the media people about the holding of a thorough investigation into corruption that had made Bangladesh the lead corrupt country for the first time during the tail end of AL government, prior to the BNP-Jamaat government. Further, he was not apparently very clear while mentioning to the media people about the holding of a thorough investigation of corruption during the caretaker governments in the immediate past and during the just departed army-supported government.

In light of above and other contemporary concerns, a few of the expectations have been presented below and they are inter alia relative to time, space and other variables, as appropriate.

1. It is expected the outcome of effort towards meeting priorities - such as the price control - will not result in inter alia: (i) diverting attentions and resources of Bangladesh from other areas of need. I am referring here to those areas of need, whose fulfillment could (help) sustain for example, the reduced price at a level mutually beneficial to all concerned under all possible circumstances and on a continuous basis; (ii) failures associated with providing the maximum price relief to at least those who are in dire need of that; (iii) providing a temporary price relief to people at the cost of say, future losses, anticipated or not, having multi-disciplinary ramifications against the backdrop of developments such as global recession and BOP limitations; and (iv) creating barriers for the market to attain a 'tolerable equilibrium' with the help of say, political will and people's support. It is also expected the outcome of subsidy management will be instrumental in inter alia eliminating hunger - at least two full meals for all hungry Bangladeshis in a sustainable manner, reducing poverty in a significant fashion, empowering the poor with functional education and promoting productivity in relevant sectors of economy - including the informal sector of economy.

The bottom line is: things like, piece meal solutions to problems or solving problems without considering for example, the matrices of cause, effect and causality pertaining to those problems over any given period of time or solving problems with tunnel visions or solving problems without a proper use of inter-disciplinary mechanics (used in an engineering sense) or offering ownership starved solutions to problems would not - either alone or in combination with others, as applicable - be instrumental in inter alia strengthening the base of development upon which to promote the future of Bangladesh at a continually higher rate, both within and beyond the term of present government.

2. It is expected the formulation of strategies - on for example: (i) a progressively incremental and low cost use of sea water for domestic, agricultural, industrial and other purposes; (ii) a full, meaningful and quick domestication (I would like to call it in that way) of for example, solar energy as the reliable and affordable power source for domestic, commercial, industrial and other purposes; (iii) cultivation of energy conservation culture through say, good energy saving practices and popularization of the use of energy saving equipment and appliances; (iv) a productive and environment friendly use of spaces over say, the land and the sea for shelters, food production, storage and other possible purposes; (v) promotion of inter-disciplinary education, research, development and engineering for say, achieving a sustainable and continually expanding job markets for Bangladeshis in an ever competitive universe; (vi) promotion of problem solving culture based on for example, inter-disciplinary and ICT (intensification of the ongoing effort towards digital Bangladesh, etc.) approaches - at policy, program, implementation, control and other levels; (vii) promotion of biomedical engineering and technology plus genomics through for example, future health policies of Bangladesh; (viii) promotion of population and purchasing power parities; and (ix) promotion of moral high grounds for the development of self and societies; will (help) enable Bangladesh to intensifying, within next three to four years, its effort towards solidifying, in a competitive and result-oriented fashion, the country's position in an progressively reintegrating world. One of the underlying assumptions here is: Bangladesh is, in an average sense, a late comer to - what I would call - the preparatory school of global reintegration. In that respect, it is expected the change of government in future will not become a barrier to the reintegration effort in the best interest of Bangladesh and for that matter the world at large.

3. It is expected the recent appointment of two of PM Hasina's lawyers respectively as the country's law minister and the country's home minister and their contributions to, as applicable, the judiciary and the criminal justice system will be instrumental in inter alia facilitating the protection, preservation and promotion of independence of judiciary in real terms and at an accelerated rate of progression - enabling the judiciary to deliver the right justice at the right time and cost to all concerned including inter alia the paupers, PM Hasina, PM Khaleda and the DGFI, without any fear or favor, without violating human rights, without constraining Principles of Natural Justice, without violating constitutional rights of any person in pertinent areas, without creating any bad precedence deliberately or for wrongful purposes and in corruption free, as well as confidence laden environments. It will not be out of place to mention here: a continuity of corruption associated with for example, the misuse and the abuse of state power - whether or not resulting in direct or indirect financial transactions or financial benefits or both at individual, group and other levels - could derail, in a significant way, the process for change for better in Bangladesh through the foreseeable future.

4. It is expected an increasingly frequent and productive use of mindsets, methods, measures and machines (used in a wider sense) associated with the domain of recycle and with the domain of elimination of wastage at various levels of Bangladesh will - under a solid constitutional regime - be instrumental in inter alia generating additional internal resources, maximizing production economy and promoting elements of sustainability, all in pursuits of drawing the maximum per capita benefit for Bangladeshis - from say, change for better initiatives - on a continuous basis.

5. It is expected the future foreign policy of Bangladesh will be - in a sense - a balanced, result-oriented, objectively matured, dynamic, sensitive, proactive, reactive, operationally effective, innovative, all weathered (at all times), futuristic and user-friendly product of needs and expectations of Bangladeshis in areas for example, peace, stability, rights (including inter alia human rights), trade, investment, economic emancipation, environment, defense (including inter alia development and marketing of anti-WMD weapons), security (including inter alia anti-terrorism), better governance (including inter alia a better and accountable management of external assistance), interdependence and globalization. It is also expected both program and project approaches, as well as techniques having comparative, competitive and other advantages for Bangladesh will, among other things and as required, be used to manage the foreign policy and foreign policy renewals between now and the future. It will not be out of place to mention here: one of the contemporary foreign relations challenges for Bangladesh is: how best and quickest the effort towards friendship with all (including inter alia say, Israel) could be transformed into timely, useable and result-generative opportunities for progress and prosperity of Bangladesh and for the universe at large?

6. It is expected the government will explore further and exploit further - in an aggressive and productive fashion - existing and evolving opportunities associated with the country's construction industries and for that matter the real estate developers - both private and public at home (for example, UDDL, Concord, Asset) and in abroad - in pursuits of for example, creating mass employment opportunities for Bangladeshis, increasing the supply of Bangladeshi construction workers in export markets, creating additional national assets and enlarging choices of say, the core poor in areas of sustainable livelihoods, to mention a few.

7. It is expected Bangladesh will soon embark on an image (I mean, the country's image) promotion mission throughout the world - in an effective, efficient, truthful and result provoking manner - aiming at for example, attracting and sustaining anti-poverty opportunities for Bangladeshi poor.

The last word: let us - including inter alia the media (print, electronic, others) - work towards advancing, in a sustainable manner, the future of Bangladesh and for that matter the future of universe through the present day apparent reality of change, transformation and relativism, among other things.

It now appears - based on my current knowledge and information - the bio-data of foreign minister Dr. Dipu Moni - that was appeared recently on the 'number one' English daily of Bangladesh - did not contain a hundred percent correct information. I believe the bio-data of political appointees (such as members of cabinet, members of constitutional bodies) should, from now onwards, be shared - in a timely manner and through a standardized format - with people of Bangladesh and others by say, the government and concerned others.