The New Nation - Internet Edition

The second PRSP

THE government adopted the Second Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP-II) on Thursday with effect from July 2008. It would be implemented at an estimated expenditure of Taka 2,568 billion over a three-year period ending in June 2011. It has a clear focus on the agriculture sector, which still employs eighty percent of the rural people. According to official sources, 25 percent of the total expenditure has been allocated for this sector. The GDP growth targets for the years have been set at 7.0, 7.2 and 7.5 percent. Investment has been estimated accordingly.

The poverty reduction strategy is a drive to eradicate the curse of poverty in phases set under the UN Millennium Development Goals where poverty alleviation has been placed as the top-most agenda. All development programmes in the PRSP-II must revolve round poverty reduction, which is a multidimensional issue that necessitates a co-ordinated approach of all stakeholders including development partners. It is a participatory decision-making and development programme. Involvement of all concerned must be ensured for incorporating suggestions from all quarters and for the successful implementation of the strategy.

The previous PRSP expired in June this year making adoption of the new one overdue. But it has been approved at a time when there exists no parliament and, as such, necessary debate and discussion involving participation of political forces could not be held. A section of political forces have reportedly alleged that employment issue has not been given due attention in it. The PRSP- II has been prepared allegedly without proper assessment of successes and failure of the previous one. However, the PRSP exercise helped a better understanding of poverty from as many angles as possible. This is expected to lead to a realistic plan for the sustainable development.

Risky trends in share markets

THE share market is a barometer of a country's economic health. A share market is usually seen developing robustly on proper lines if the other economic indicators such as the higher rate of investment, strong functioning of companies listed with the stock market are noted. These factors persuade people to invest in the market out of a sense of the market gaining in strength from the better functioning of the economy as a whole. When these conditions are not present and yet the buying and selling in the market are up spectacularly, then such an invigoration of the market cannot be considered healthy.

But that has exactly been happening in the two stock markets in Dhaka and Chittagong. According to latest newspaper reports, shares valued Taka 317 crore were traded on the floors of the Dhaka Stock Exchange (DSE) last Wednesday which is the highest ever recorded transaction noted in this bourse. Similar trading was also noted at the Chittagong Stock Exchange (CSE). The developments could be considered truly inspirational but for the fact that a crash like the one that was noted in 1996 could be around the corner.

If the surge in the market was driven by new companies with truly convincing credentials of their health floating initial public offering (IPO) shares in the market or the expanded functioning of the existing companies pushing up their share values as well as sales, then that would make sense. But neither is happening. Therefore, a rectification in the market is only a question of time and a crash could bring thousands of people who are now scrambling to the market with their very hard earned capital, down to their knees. The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), the regulator of the stock market, should act more vigorously to prevent this from happening.

Imparting quality education

Amit Imran

From the birth of Bangladesh, the lawmakers and the elite society along with the bureaucrats has initiated and implemented many policies to upgrade the education system and its quality and has tried to increase the literacy rate of the country. The various policies have widely differed under the leadership and supervision of different governments which have made the education system itself vulnerable to drastic and unpredictable changes. In addition to this, changes in the education system have been initiated not only on the banner of development but also based on emotional values. All these cumulatively have fortified the quality of education from growing, restricting the socio-economic development, economic development and expansion of strong culture.

After the liberation war of Bangladesh, the medium of teaching or transmitting education was being changed from English to Bengali. If we ask ourselves, was it a correct decision, then I think the answer will be a straight NO. Although it might sound very harsh and odious, but this policy has actually created a base for us to be isolated from the world. This resulted in additional documentation needed for trade and business, increased distance with other countries, increased cost of doing business both in terms of money and time and in having a smooth bilateral relation with the developed world. The students taught under Bengali medium face tremendous trouble while coping up with the pace of the world. A student who works hard for four years to achieve a Bachelors degree in Bengali - does this actually help him to become established compared to another student who achieves a Bachelors degree in Business Administration or any other market oriented discipline. In addition, people graduated under Bengali medium face an unimaginable adaptability problem when they resume their education or work in any organisation where the medium of communication is English. Therefore, this policy has made our human resource inferior and the policy makers should be blamed for it.

Every year after the publication of SSC result and HSC result, getting admitted to renown educational institutions become the hot topic to be discussed everywhere. In an recent interview in a private television channel (October 11, 2008), the education secretary commented that they have adequate seats for all students to get admission but the students show reluctance to admit themselves in the regional educational institutions.

Probably his comment is true but did he ever think that why these students skip or waste a year rather than getting themselves being admitted?

Educational institutions established outside the metropolitan cities do not possess the necessary infrastructure and the logistical support which the students require. I believe, no student is ready or eager to leave his family and study in a new environment which he can easily get in a nearby place.

Recently the issue of the closure of many private universities have come up because of their poor performance. In this context, I would like to say that, YES; to some extend it is true but does all the failure is to be blamed on these universities. When a university starts its operation, it searches for students, which is the main source of revenue for the institution.

Students who are being admitted in these universities are already being screened out from various universities or other educational institutions. This categorically means that these students are already far behind than others and it would be very optimistic to expect an outstanding result from them. For example, if the foundation of a building is for two-storied, you cannot expect a twenty-storied building to stand on it. Obviously the performance of the universities should be judged but not based on the initial statistics of four or five years.

Another problem that persists in the society is the following of the unidentical syllabus that is being followed in different institutions. Since the syllabus is different which is widely seen between Bengali medium schools and English medium schools, the students merit level will varies widely. The students are not only going to be different in their educational skills but also in their attitude and the way they carry and present themselves to the society.

All these, cumulatively suggests that the education of Bangladesh in terms of quality is very vulnerable and the measures taken by the government or by the government authorities are not adequate or simply ineffective.

In order to improve the quality of education in the primary level, the government through the Primary & Mass Education Division had taken various steps and had allotted huge funds. Although as per the documents the primary schools do have a pool of qualified teachers and adequate logistical support but reality reflects a different scenario. Many posts of teachers are vacant, many teachers do not receive their salary on time and the school buildings need urgent renovation.

In this context, the government should create a strict cross-functional monitoring cell whose task would be to monitor the performance of the different educational institution and the progress of the projects initiated by the governments. If we can improve the quality of education in the primary level, then automatically the quality of education in secondary and higher level will improve.

In addition, the government should also impose a strict unified syllabus and curriculum which the institutions would follow because we do not have further time for experimenting. And I would request the lawmakers not to experiment with our education system anymore because a proper education can contribute to the prospering of the country.

They should not take any policies based on emotions rather the education quality and the system to be used to deliver it should be modern, market & work oriented, easily adaptable and hassle free. Only then we can truly see our Bangladesh having high literacy level that would lead to socio-economic and economic growth.

Talking tongue in cheek

Adnan Gill

Old Wine in New Bottle"; is how the 72 years old Dr. A. Q. Khan described Rehman Malik's knavish comments regarding his security.

Speaking at a seminar organized by the Jang Group and the University of Lahore, the adviser to the Prime Minister on Interior, Rehman Malik made a feigned statement, "There is no doubt Dr Khan is our hero and will remain so, but we should also protect him."

When I invited Dr. Khan's reaction to Mr. Rehman's derisive remarks, he said, "Mr. Rehman Malik is talking tongue in cheek." Then he raised a rhetorical question, "Why is he differentiating between the security applied to government high-ups and that applied to me? Is not their safety of equal importance? This so-called 'security' issue has simply become a means for the government to legitimize their actions against me." Even Mr. Zardari claimed that his wife's killers - enemies of democracy and Pakistan -- want to kill him too. Then how come Mr. Zardari isn't sequestered in a heavily-guarded underground facility 24/7?

Mr. Malik pulled another rabbit out of his hat. He claimed, Dr. Khan was under security cover, because he faced life threats from the "forces" against Pakistan's nuclear program. However, he kept the identity of the alleged "forces" a secret. But most importantly, he failed to educate us, how eliminating Dr. Khan could possibly hurt Pakistan's nuclear program? If anything, Americans and their allies had been pressing Pakistan to gain direct access to him. So wouldn't harming him will be counterproductive to their objectives?

It is naïve to even suggest, that the Pakistani nuclear program still depends on Dr. Khan's genius. In case our memories elude us, about a decade ago, he passed his knowledge and reigns of the KRL to the next generation of engineers and scientists. To this effect, Dr. Khan confided, "I am now more than 72 years old and have not been associated with any classified information for more than 7-1/2 years."

He reasoned, "I cannot see any more danger to my life now than there was while I was travelling abroad and the whole Western World was against our nuclear programme and knew what I was doing." Perhaps, one day Mr. Malik would share with us, how the "forces" could have benefited by harming Dr. Khan?

Dr. Khan believes his incarceration will never end, regardless of who will come into power. He justly pointed the cruel irony, "In fact, nothing has changed after Gen. (R) Musharraf's departure.

The only difference is that we now have someone in civies instead of a military uniform - i.e. old wine in a new bottle." To his regret, not even the so-called elected government provided him any relief. He added, "The ruling clique has stooped to making lying a virtue.

I was put under prolonged house arrest without any lawful authority and without having access to any recourse to justice; and that too after certain promises had been made to me about my freedom. The new ruling bosses have been only too willing to swallow whatever the Musharraf cronies fed them." It maybe pertinent to remind ourselves, that just a year or so ago, Benazir Bhutto offered Americans unfettered access to Dr. Khan.

Then what are the chances of her widower - who carries her phonograph to address the UN General assembly - pardoning or giving him any benefit of doubt?

Justifiably, Dr. Khan questioned the sincerity of those who never cease to remind us how they were unjustly jailed for years at a time. He pointed, "Surprisingly, they totally ignore the fact that President Zardari himself was jailed for many years without ever having been convicted. Mr. Gilani was jailed for 5 years in a false case as too was Mr. Javed Hashmi. Mr. Rehman Malik himself went into self-exile due to the witchhunt against him by Gen. Musharraf and his cronies. All this makes it all the more surprising that [they] are willing to accept what is being said against me. All this talk of security is no more than a cover-up."

Just like any other true Muslim, Dr. Khan too believes, time and place of his death are predetermined by Allah. He said, "I am a devout Muslim and believe that the time and place of our leaving this world has been predetermined by Allah Almighty."

In other words, he is willing to take his chances facing the threats as a free man, over spending rest of his days in safety but incarcerated.

Finally Dr. Khan shared his deep concerns over the current crisis challenging Pakistan's unity. He said, "Personally I feel that all this talk about winning a war against the Pathans and subdueing them by force will ultimately lead to the disintegration of this country.

The Pathans have never allowed themselves to [be] subdued by anybodyt" He explained, "I am a Pathan and I have many intellectual Pathan friends and we all feel that nothing is to be gained from following the American agenda."

Whether the ruling coterie likes it or not, the nation will always remain indebted to Dr. A. Q. Khan for jump-starting its nuclear program when it desperately needed it. Granting him his freedom and dignity is the least we can do for our hero. If nothing else, let an elderly Pakistani spend his retirement as he wishes. If he wants to spend his retirement on the beaches of Karachi or in the lap of Saiful Muluk, who are we to tell him otherwise?

Roadmap for the next US President

Claude Salhani

The next US president will have the advantage of a honeymoon -- typically about 100 days -- and it is crucial not to waste that time.

During this time, all parties concerned about the Arab-Israeli conflict will give the president the benefit of the doubt.

The new president should very carefully think out his initial approach to the conflict, and his ideas about a resolution. The Middle East stakeholders will be keen to listen to his first statements, and his words will dictate their reactions to what they think of as his administration's 'roadmap'. Showing partisanship towards one side would alienate the other and would foil efforts to restart the peace talks and leave them as they are -- that is to say, not only in 'park position', but also with the emergency brake fully engaged.

The next administration must demonstrate to both Arabs and Israelis that it is serious in its efforts to solve the crisis, and that it understands that without the direct involvement of the United States, peace in the Middle East can never be achieved.

The president must convince the Arabs that there is no alternative to a peaceful solution. And he needs to convince the Israelis of the same -- reminding them that the United States is committed to the security of Israel, but that time is not on their side. The new administration should make it understood by all sides how imperative it is that a peace deal be reached sooner rather than later.

The point must be stressed to the Israeli leadership that peace means making concessions - sometimes-painful ones -- but the dividends of peace far out weight the alternative.

The foundations for peace between the Arabs and the Israelis are well known: Give or take five or 10 per cent, says former Israeli National Security Council director Giora Eiland, the best blueprint for peace is still the plan conceived by former president Bill Clinton. But peace between Israel and the Arabs depends on establishing a two-track process, both proceeding at the same time.

The first track involves Syria and Israel. Syria is prepared to offer Israel peace in return for the Golan Heights. A demilitarised zone several miles wide on either side of the Syrian-Israeli border could be established and placed under US military control. The presence of American troops in a DMZ would re-assure the Israelis, with Syrian troops positioned on their side of the DMZ and Israelis on the other.

To neutralise the precariousness that prevails along Israel's Lebanese border due to Hezbollah's presence, any peace deal between Syria and Israel must include a peace agreement with Lebanon. Omitting Lebanon would be a grave error, giving Syria an "escape clause." The inclusion of Lebanon is paramount to the success of the accord with Syria. Here's why.

Including Lebanon in the peace process - which means finalising the status of the Shebaa Farms currently occupied by Israel -- would remove Hezbollah's stated reasons for maintaining its armed wing. The inclusion of Lebanon as part of a package deal is important because without Syria, the Lebanese are far too divided to attempt direct talks on their own.

Additionally, Lebanon's inclusion would solve two other problems. First, it would end the state of belligerency between Israel and all its neighbours; and second, it would help stabilise the political situation in Lebanon.

The return of the Golan would be conditional on Damascus distancing itself from Teheran and in the process severing the link Hezbollah has to Iran.

The simultaneous second track is resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli dispute, in which the following conditions are to be addressed:

1. Final borders

2. The "right of return" of Palestinian refugees

3. The status of Jerusalem

The final position of the frontier dividing the future state of Palestine and Israel is mostly known by both sides. The resolution of the final border could be left to a sub-committee to finalise. In the interim, security in Palestine can be assumed by international bodies such as the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe - as was the case in Kosovo - or another neutral force.

The right of return of Palestinian refugees is a demand that Israel will never agree to, given the security implications. One possible solution is to offer financial compensation to refugees who would be unable to return. In the long run, it would be far less costly than what Washington currently spends furnishing Israel with weapons.

Others could be offered citizenship in the future state of Palestine or another Arab country, or an option of an Israeli passport without right of residency. Visitation rights would be looked at on an individual basis. There is a precedent for this when Great Britain issued "B-Type" passports to tens of thousands of Asian workers who were expelled from Uganda by Idi Amin.

Thirdly, the status of Jerusalem could be left to be decided in five years time -- once greater confidence has been established between the parties.

There remains the issue of Gaza. This is where Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states, particularly Qatar, can be influential.

Finally, none of this can be realised without the full backing and prestige of the president of the United States and his secretary of state.

In view of the intensity and the hand-on demands such negotiations will involve, it would benefit the president to appoint a cabinet-level negotiator to the position.

(Claude Salhani is editor of the Middle East Times and a political analyst in Washington)