The New Nation - Internet Edition

Keeping city roads usable

IT is apparent that the worsening traffic jams in Dhaka have a close relationship with the crumbling road conditions in many parts of the city. Roads in many areas of Dhaka city are dilapidated. In their present conditions the roads slow down all types of vehicles. Faster movement of vehicles is impossible over roads with such poor surfaces. Traffic jams or exasperating slowdowns become inevitable on such roads where speed must be much slowed due to road conditions. From slow moving rickshaws and pushcarts to private cars and buses, all are required to move very slowly on pot-holed roads. Sometimes, traffic has to move at snail's pace to get around the bigger holes and even ditches on roads. The worn-out roads are not only causing traffic jams but also posing serious accidents. Thus, extensive repair of the roads is a major precondition to be fulfilled for the overall improvement of Dhaka's traffic management.

There exists presently little coordination between different utility agencies as these bodies resort to frequent digging of roads. For instance, the Bangladesh Telecommunications Company Limited (BTCL) may dig up an important road for laying underground cables for a digital telephone network. Soon after the completion of such a project and the repaving, the same road sections could be dug up once again for laying sewer lines or electric cables. Apart from lack of coordination, the projects are not completed swiftly as those should be. All sorts of debris remain scattered on roads even after the completion of the works that narrow down road space and create obstructions for the traffic. Strong watch should be maintained at the work sites to keep the roads tidy so that reasonable space remain for traffic flow even as the works progress. An effective coordination mechanism must be worked out so that repeated digging of roads becomes unnecessary and several projects can be undertaken and completed simultaneously.

For efficiency in water sector

TRANSPARENCY International's Bangladesh Chairman the other day disclosed certain startling facts regarding water. Quoting Transparency International's 'Global Corruption Report 2008 : Corruption in Water Sector' the TIB chairman said due to mismanagement and corruption 30-50 per cent resources were wasted in water projects in Bangladesh. The process of corruption is deep-rooted and pervasive. It begins from floating of tender and is spread over the whole process of implementation. Functionaries in different ministries in collusion with the political power manipulate tenders in subtle ways keeping loopholes in documents. After tender invitations and awarding of jobs a section of bureaucrats tactfully influence the contractors to manipulate the works to be done and deprive government departments and the consumers of the required quantum of water.

Water-related projects like irrigation, river dredging and flood control involve the investment of huge amounts of money. But in no such project the entire work as specified in the tender documents are done properly. After doing half or at best, two-thirds work, contractors manage to get a satisfactory completion certificate and get their final bill paid. Contractors can come out of such a many-phased process because they keep the palms of the relevant functionaries suitably greased.

Because of the above types of machinations cost of water, especially drinking water, goes beyond the reach of the poor man. Sub-soil water level in Bangladesh in general and in and around Dhaka in particular has gone down alarmingly and the process has continued. So, to avoid a greater danger care has to be taken against wastage and mismanagement of water. Efficient water management is important also from the point of view of the environment. The reported corruption in the sector must be done away with for this.

Socio-religious bodies may foster affroestration

Niaz Ahmed Khan

The predatory nature of deforestation in Bangladesh has been a matter of great concern and worry for any concerned citizen of the country. The forests on state lands have been particularly subjected to organized illicit commercial logging, unplanned and abrupt conversion to agriculture and other non-forestry uses, fire, grazing and other anthropogenic influences. The Northwest Bangladesh has only about 2% tree cover. One popularly cited statistics reckons the rate of forest destruction to be at the tune of 8000 ha/year and the annual deforestation rate is estimated to be 3.3. Consequently, per capita forestland has declined from 0.035 ha in 1969 to 0.02 ha in 1990.

The impact and manifestation of such alarming rate of deforestation are multifaceted. Deforestation causes decrease in water holding capacity, increased soil erosion, and loss of habitat and biodiversity. The cost of these impacts on the economy was estimated to be 1% of GDP in 1990. Decrease in timber and other forest products incur direct economic loss. People living in the rural and hilly areas who depend on forest for subsistence are severely affected. Many of the plants and animals that once inhabited have either become extinct or are endangered.

In this backdrop, this article argues in favour of resorting to long-standing and deeply entrenched socio-religious values in our fight against deforestation and associated processes of biodiversity loss.

Traditionally, religious beliefs and culture had a major influence on forest resource generation and use in the Indian sub-continent. Documentation, scripture, seals and paintings from the Indus valley civilisations showed that forests were adored as a collection of celestial plants and were supposed to be inhibited by divine spirits. Some analysts have gone as far as to argue that the ancient culture of this sub-continent had its very origin in Aranyas (forests) and Ashrams (religious centres, mostly located in woods). Major Indian philosophies and preaching, for example, found expression in the thoughts of Rishies and Gurus (saints and hermits), who mostly lived in the serenity and obscurity of forests.

The literature on early forest-use situation in this sub-continent suggests that, local people had a religious and spiritual affinity with forests. The studies shed light on the fact that there was great reverence for Vans (forests) amongst ancient races and religious literature. As early as 1500 BC, Rigveda, for example, preached: "Plant, Thus I hail Thee - The Divine Mother of Mankind" (Rig-X-97-4). Similarly, the Puran considered "plantation of trees and maintaining them were good acts" and suggested that, for "those who do not have sons, trees are there sons" . Later the Aryans, basically a pastoral community and one of the most dominant races of ancient India, revered forests and maintained all their big institutions in the sylvan surroundings of the forest. The Prophet of Islam also preached that "if any of you plant a single seed or plant whose fruits are eaten by animals, birds or men, then it will be considered an act of piety" and "do not tear even a single leaf of any plant unnecessarily" . The Muslim rulers of India (including Bengal), for example the Mughals, also demonstrated a utilizational and aesthetic approach towards forests. For the rulers, forests served the 'imperial hunting' and 'ornamental' purposes.

On the basis of the preceding brief review of history, one can feel that religion and culture have traditionally played a pivotal role in forestry in this part of the world. Worshipping of trees was commonplace. This, coupled with spiritual preaching by some rulers, most likely instilled among people some consciousness and interest in forest preservation and propagation. Customs and religion, for example, forbade the use of sickles or axe in certain areas; while in other areas forests were treated as Devaranya (gods' grove) from which only twigs and fallen branches could be fetched without causing any damage to trees. The rulers also fostered the linkage between forests and religious culture. There were forests exclusively "for the study of religion" under some ancient Indian kingdoms.

There is hardly any systematic information on plantation and forestry on religious and sacred places in Bangladesh at present, except the occasional references made in a few studies. From my ethnographic field work in selected areas of Kaliakair (in the central part of the country) and Rangunia (in the south-eastern part), I, for example, observed the following:

There was a popular belief that during epic days, the Hindu deities, Krishna and Radha, had their legendary romance under the serene surroundings of forests in a place called Gupta Brindaban (the secret romance), north of Atia forests in the Dhaka-Mymensingh tracts-not far from my study-site of Chandra. As I have found during the fieldwork, these forests of religious value are still preserved and worshipped by the local Hindu population t. In parts of the forests in [Rangunia] there is a large Hindu temple and community centre in the locality, called the Jagatpur Ashram, which [has traditionally] held control over a vast area of land (including forests)t. Similarly, at least five Mazars (graveyards of saints; religious seminaries) of Muslim priests are still seen in the area; all situated in the forests. My informants reported that these saints lived amidst these forests and preached religion to neighbouring villagers.

Forests were their most-loved rendezvous for practising and teaching religion. Therefore, it seemed that forests and religion, like in many parts of the Indian sub-continent, had been closely related; and saints attempted to convey the message of this relationship to the locals. Interviews with some elderly villagers suggested that the preaching had, at least to some extent, influenced the conservation and propagation of forests (for details, see, N.A.Khan "A political economy of forest resource use: Case studies of social forestry in Bangladesh", Ashgate publishers, England, 1998).

Even from a general and cursory observation, one can notice plantation and gardens within the territorial boundaries of many religious institutions in the country. In recent years, there have been attempts to carry out afforestation activities within the premises of religious institutions and seminaries by some public and voluntary organisations including the Chittagong City Corporation and the Forest Department. It is believed that trees are less likely to be subjected to pilferage or illicit felling within the boundaries of a sacred institution, in view of the general reverence for religion in the country. The National Forest Policy 1994 has prescribed "tree plantation on the courtyards of rural organisations such as t eidgah [open prayer field], mosque-moktob, temple, madrassa [seminaries] etc t". In context of the massive deforestation in the country, linking afforestation to the above socio-religious values seems to be a very prospective strategy for conservation and replenishment.

Resist or not to resist NATO?

Adnan Gill

Unless, somehow Pakistanis manage to hand President Bush a farewell gift, so enormous and so sought after, that it will put a shining jewel in his otherwise depressingly disastrous legacy; NATO will enter Pakistani territory to pick the jewels themselves. It will take nothing short of Osama Bin Laden in Guantanamo prison or his dead body in a Freezer at Langley Headquarters to shine Bush's legacy. Pakistanis will have to pony up Osama's (proverbial) head on platter to Bush, or be prepared for a short but extremely ugly showdown on its border with Afghanistan.

By all accounts, the Taliban used the Pakistani soil as safe-heavens to launch guerilla style attacks on the American led NATO forces in Afghanistan. NATO had been slowly but surely loosing ground to Taliban. Consequently, both Karzai and NATO signed several peace treaties with the Taliban. At the same time, they severally criticized Pakistan for signing peace treaties with the Pakistani Tribals. Meanwhile, with a wink and a nod from the Pakistani President Musharraf, Americans attacked several targets inside Pakistan, killing hundreds, including women and children. Their indifferent and irresponsible attacks developed anti-American sentiments among the locals. Worst, the locals developed a sense of common cause with the foreign operatives of Al-Qaeda, whom they were kicking out earlier. All this set the stage for a showdown with Pakistan.

Unfortunately, Pakistan is left with limited choices, as to how it can react to a NATO invasion. Either Pakistanis can fight back, or they could lodge useless diplomatic protests. Other choices could be, using Tribals as Pakistani military's proxies, or discontinuing cooperation with the NATO by pulling Pakistani soldiers out of tribal areas and by shutting down air and land corridors used by NATO. Last but most prudent choice could be Pakistanis take away the excuse for an invasion.

NATO wants to stabilize Afghanistan to a point where it can become a safe transit route for the trade and for pipelines pumping oil out of the landlocked Central Asian States (the future Middle East) all the way to the Pakistani seaports. If any Pakistani elements will get in their way of achieving their objectives, NATO will not think twice before trying to crush them with brute force. If that means civilian casualties, so be it. They will simply mark them as collateral damage.

Most of Pakistani analyst laughed off Karzai's threats to send in his army into Pakistani territory as empty bravado. Karzai doesn't even take lunch without US' permission, so when he threatened to start a confrontation, he was merely parroting off a US Defense Department manuscript. NATO will not spearhead military operations inside the Pakistani territory. They plan to use Afghani troops as cannon fodder. Of course, Northern Alliance mercenaries in Afghan Army uniforms will have full support of the NATO Special Forces, who will provide Command & Control, and call in their air assets.

If Pakistan will dare to fight back or if it will try to shutdown NATO's transit routes, they could end up facing horrendous consequences; ranging from diplomatic isolation to financial and trade embargos, to a dismembered Balochistan! At minimum, Pakistan will be declared a pariah state which will be immediately punished through debilitating UN sanctions; including travel restrictions, trade and financial embargos. Additionally, a military embargo could leave Pakistan dangerously vulnerable to the nations, waiting in shadows, to feast on a weakened Pakistan.

Needless to remind, Pakistan is already heavily dependent on foreign aid and financial loans from international institutions. Pakistan is devoid of any natural resources like oil, and short on any industry of significance. Pakistani Diaspora laboring in the Middle East, UK, and the US are the biggest contributors of the foreign exchange reserves. Their livelihoods depend on the goodwill of their hosts. Upon a request from their Western allies, what if tomorrow the Middle Eastern Sheikhs decide to deport Pakistani working force? Once slapped with the financial sanctions, how will Pakistan survive a global isolation beyond exhausting its foreign reserves?

In a worst scenario, what if NATO nations decide to give independence to Balochistan, like they gave in the case of Eastern Timor? Who is to say, the opportunist Balochi Nawabs will turn their backs on a lifetime opportunity to carve out their very own fiefdoms? These Nawabs are unabashedly soliciting help from even the "devil" to dismember Balochistan from Pakistan? All the Western nations will have to do is to pass a resolution at the UN to declare Balochistan as an independent nation. An independent and subservient Balochistan will open unrestricted corridors for the NATO to run their business in Afghanistan and beyond. As an added bonus, their objective of encirclement of Iran will be met too.

Before giving into the tempting slogans like 'death to the infidel' and embarking on yet another jihad, the Pakistanis should ponder over questions like: Can they win a military showdown with the NATO? Will they be able to absorb the horrendous losses of physical, monetary, and life? Will they be able to survive through the international sanctions? If not, then wouldn't it make sense to avoid a conflict altogether? They could avoid a conflict by taking away the excuse for an invasion. How do they do that? Nobody said it would be easy, but they can once again try to convince the tribals, that by fighting they will bring death and destruction, not only upon themselves, but also on their families too. Instead of making the situation worst, they could hand over a trophy or two to Bush in the shape of those who had been taking unfair advantage of the hospitality of their hosts by spreading death and destruction in Pakistan.

For argument's sake, let's say, NATO meets the same fate in Afghanistan that Soviets did in the late 80s. NATO suffers humiliating defeat and thousands of casualties. They decide to pack up and leave Afghanistan and Pakistan. Then what? Beside, bragging rights, what would have Pakistanis gained? Mortally wounded and completely isolated, what kind of future will be awaiting Pakistan? Perhaps, the same future that greeted the Afghans after the Soviets left; a deeply impoverished, failed, and lawless nation?

Opinion: Kosovo's recognition

Dr. M. S. Haq

It now appears from a UNB-Dhaka report carried by a Bangladeshi English daily - The New Nation - on 02nd day of July 2008, Bangladesh has not yet been able to decide on matters pertaining to recognition of Kosovo. Despite persistent diplomatic maneuverings by US Ambassador James Moriarty and others, it also appears the move towards recognizing Kosovo by Bangladesh is restricted by factors associated with "perceived national interest" - according to the country's foreign affairs adviser.

Kosovo like, Bangladesh achieved its independence through, among other things, the horror of war, sacrifices, deaths and destructions - relative to time, space and other variables, though. The people of two countries share inter alia certain common interest, values and expectations in an ever competitive, progressively re-integrating, increasingly resource-starved (in particular, usable resources) and continually uncertain universe. Decisions pertaining to recognition of Kosovo are not, at this point in time, an uncommon matter because a number of powerful and influential countries of the world have already accorded recognition to Kosovo.

Taking into cognizance above and other considerations, it is not clear - at the moment - to ordinary people of Bangladesh (I mean, to whom it might concern) as to how and to what extent the recognition of Kosovo by Bangladesh could affect the country's national interest.

Is it the fact, the country does not want to create a strain in the existing relationship between say, Bangladesh and Russia - via according recognition to Kosovo - at the time when prospects for communist re-grouping are, in a sense, seemingly brightening? Is it the fact, the army-supported government is not presently in favor of taking a decision on the Kosovo matter due to say, possible constitutional disabilities associated - either directly or otherwise - with it (I mean, the Kosovo matter) or due to geo-political factors and considerations - both existing and emerging - attached to decisions of above nature or both?

Is it the fact, Bangladesh has started directing its policies, programs and efforts towards for example, repositioning the country in emerging global power matrices in a more constructive and futuristic fashion? Is it the fact, the army-supported government prefers to leave the matter to the next parliament for decision? What will be the status of country's comparative, competitive and other advantages and disadvantages - both existing and potential - if it recognizes Kosovo at this point in time?

Those are among a few questions pertaining to Kosovo's recognition. It is expected the army-supported government, the media (print, electronic, other), civil society (those concerned), intellectuals - think tanks, and the concerned others will assist the people of Bangladesh in the effort towards taking and implementing - in an informed manner - the right decision at the right time and cost about Kosovo.

It is also expected Ambassador Moriarty and the concerned others will not hesitate to share, as required, their views and justifications concerning recognition of Kosovo with Bangladeshis in a more open, and clearer fashion. Let us now explore collectively and meaningfully the Kosovo case for a mutually beneficial decision - I mean, beneficial to say, Bangladesh and Kosovo - in not too distant a future.

The last word: Bangladesh should not forget - it went through, immediately after the independence in 1971, situations and experiences that were same or similar - either in part or in full - to those of Kosovo, the country is facing now. Good luck to all.