The New Nation - Internet Edition

Reinvigoration of jute

NOT all hopes of golden fibre jute have been lost. A project of the Education Ministry, in association with two departments of Dhaka University, has kindled new hope about jute. The ministry has taken up a Tk. 50 crore research project to conduct 'jute jenome sequencing' research. The research will be conducted by the biochemistry and biology departments of the University under the supervision of two professors of the said departments. Two Bangladeshi scientists Dr. Maksudul Alam and Dr. Abed Chowdhury, now living in the USA and Australia, shall work for the project. Its implementation shall begin from July next as has been reported in a vernacular daily.

The objective of the research project is increasing productivity of jute, and as its logical follow-up, reduction of cost of production, enlargement of fibre of jute and increase of versatility of the fibre for variety of purposes. In fact, this fibre has many uses in human life ranging from day to day domestic purpose to production of subtle yarn for use in suitings, carpets and warm clothing. These days hessian is used as shock absorber in bodies of motor vehicles of different categories and has been found to be superior to other materials hitherto used for the purpose.

Over the last three decades due to self-defeating lethargy and subtle propaganda by some competing neighbours, our jute production and jute-based industry have been very adversely affected inflicting a heavy blow on the economy. Apart from various domestic uses jute and jute goods were the number one foreign exchange earners. Now through research projects people can justly hope that this traditional cash crop can be saved from ruination. If possible, jute and jute goods market search may be tuned with our RMG market search which is now the top export item.

Pay hike and inflation

THE caretaker government is reportedly planning to raise salaries of civil servants by some 20 per cent. The rationale is to give them cost of living support when prices are on the high side. But the important thing is, whether the civil servants will gain anything from this salary hike. The moment the higher salaries would be made available to them, the sellers of goods and services on the plea of their anticipated additional purchasing power, will indulge in wholesale increase in the prices of goods and services. Therefore, the financial gains from the 20 per cent pay hike could be more than nullified.

This has happened before and all the probabilities are that the same experience might be repeated. The civil servants form a fraction of the population. But the act of raising their salaries by 20 per cent will give a signal to the unholy traders to increase prices by a similar margin. For the vast number of people in the rest of the population who work in the private sector or are self-employed, there might not be pay rises. But they would have to bear the brunt of a fresh round of price escalations.

So, there is hardly any wisdom in this initiative. Even donor agencies such as the IMF has counselled against it saying that this would only stoke inflation when inflation remains at the highest ever recorded level in Bangladesh. Instead of going for such simplistic solution fraught with risks, managers of the economy need to go for much better control of inflation and its reduction as a way of giving everybody relief from its ravages. In a similar situation, developed countries usually apply policies of freezing salaries and wages whereas Bangladesh seems poised to do the opposite.

Election roadmap is fraught with roadblocks

An Observer

The statement of US Ambassador James Moriarty at AmCham luncheon Wednesday is quite significant in the context of the political scenario of Bangladesh. The guests at the function deduced the bottom line of his speech as 1) election is a must by December, 2) support to a pro-army party to win election for continuation of measures of the present administration, and 3) support to action against politicians accused of corruption.

It is no secret that the US exerted influence in all major political changes in Bangladesh, including the August 15, 1975, in which Ambassador Boster is said to have played a pivotal role. Credited as China expert, Moriarty was last in Kathmandu. It is not yet known if he has any role in the game plan to thwart the Maoist in taking the power although they won the election with a comfortable majority. Moriarty who came to Dhaka barely weeks ago with the new assignment will see, rather influence, the political transition in Bangladesh.

If the US has any influence in the politics of this country, the message is loud and clear. It wants election and the winning party or parties that will form the government should ratify all actions of the present caretaker government. He clearly said that his country does not want to see a repeat of Pakistan President Gen Parvez Musharraf government's nemesis in Bangladesh. Parties opposed to Musharraf's Muslim League won the election and are now trying to undo his actions, including dismissal of judges and even impeach President Musharraf. This shows that in Bangladesh, the US will take enough care so that the political parties opposed to the army-backed government do not have the edge and repeat the problem faced in Pakistan.

Moriarty dwelt at length corruption, which he described as the enemy of democracy. He estimated that corruption in Bangladesh costs the country between two and three percent of its GDP, which represents approximately two billion dollars a year. To tackle corruption, he stressed the need for national consensus - among the government, the business community, the legal community and civil society - to work together. The emphasis he laid on corruption suggests the US wants support of all sections of the people in case of possible punishment by the court of politicians in corruption cases.

At the same time Moriarty apprehends about the holding of election according to the roadmap. "We fear if the national election is not held in time, things, including political situation, will deteriorate in Bangladesh," he said.

True, the roadmap to national election seems fraught with roadblocks. The apprehension has given rise in the minds of people following the arrest of three BNP stalwarts, including reformist leader Abdul Mannan Bhuiya and Jamaat chief Matiur Rahman Nizami in the Gatco scam case. Sensing arrest in the case, another accused and BNP reformist acting chairperson Saifur Rahman left the country a few days back. This latest action of the government has no doubt encouraged the major political parties - Awami League, BNP and Jamaat - to square up and secure the release of their leaders.

Until the arrest of Bhuiyan, Nizami, Shamsul Islam and MK Anwar, it seemed Awami League, BNP reformist group and Jamaat were ready to take part in the election without Hasina and Khaleda. BNP reformist leader Hafizuddin who was always supporting the government has turned to a critic of the government.

The arrest of Nizami has risked the relationship with Saudi Arabi. Most of the political parties are now united demanding the release of Hasina and Khaleda with a threat to boycott the political dialogue with the government and ultimately the election.

It will be naïve to think that the administration had not weighed the possible reactions to the arrest of the politicians who were overtly and covertly supporting the government. The months ahead will be crucial for the government. The nation is anxiously waiting to see the steps the government takes to assuage the political leaders and bring the major political parties to the dialogue and election.

Abduction of a Pakistani envoy

Dr. M. S. Haq

It now appears from a BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation) report, the ambassador of Pakistan to Afghanistan - who was reportedly abducted by Taliban militants, a few months ago - has been released recently by his captors. It should be a piece of good news for family and friends of the envoy plus government of Pakistan, per se.

But the drama (I would like to call it in that way) unfolded so far in connection with, and ancillary to, above matters has given rise to inter alia several initial questions. For example:

Whether or not it was a case of abduction? 2. Was it an outcome of planned engineering and execution of certain events in a certain manner or otherwise? 3. What was the motive behind for example, abduction and release of the envoy? 4. Who were and are involved in the process? 5. What was the role of media (print, electronic) in the process? 6. What are or will be (or both) gains or losses (or both) - for whom and when? 7. Do there exist any link between the on-going war on terror and efforts of Pakistani government plus others (as applicable) when it comes to re-applying political solutions to problems concerning terrorism in Pakistan and adding an additional dimension to anti-terror initiatives, as well as to activities therein? 8. How and to what extent, the information, the experience and the lesson derived or to be derived (or both) from events associated with say, abduction and release of the envoy could be beneficial or not beneficial or a mixture of both to the government, abductors and others against the backdrop of present day anti-terror efforts by Pakistan, Pakistanis and others? 9. How would the resultant benefits and losses contribute to escalation of the war or de-escalation of the war or otherwise? 10. What are the hidden terms and conditions of 'negotiation' that led to the release of envoy by captors? 11. What will be cost-wise implications for those terms and conditions and who will bear the cost? 12. What are the real identities of abductors - what are their present denominations? 13. Where are they located at present and what are their average areas for say, operation related manoeuvrings? 14. If the drama is a product of planned events - how could then the resultant outcome affect and shape the future of US-lead war on terror through the immediate future?

Two of the reasons for presenting the questions now to readers and others are: to create an additional space for them to re-explore and re-examine the drama in a more objective and investigative manner; and to assist world people and countries in the efforts towards - - how best and quickest they could get rid of terrorism and its ramifications at local, national, global and other levels?

One of the underlying assumptions here is - abandoning the existing mode of anti-terror war in favour of a 100 percent political mode of anti-terror war or the application of an unrealizable, as well as unproductive mixture of both the modes could do more harm than good to all concerned under certain situations and circumstances. In that respect, it may be mentioned here: evolving challenges that are associated with food, natural disasters and energy at local, global and other levels and the continuation of those challenges without any significant remedy through the foreseeable future could lead to inter alia a natural death of terrorism or a further escalation of terrorist activities or a maintenance of status quo in areas of terrorism.

It is expected challenges mentioned and not mentioned above will not divert the present day attention and effort (although not very pluralistic in an average sense at this point in time) of world countries from the war on terror because that could, in effect, make the fight against above challenges more time consuming, tougher, costlier, and more sustainable.

The last word: The present day challenges have, in a sense, provided world people and countries additional rationale for fighting the war on terror in a more united, result-oriented and satisfactory fashion at local, regional, global and other levels. World people and countries must not and should not miss the opportunities created by challenges indicated above. Let us work more collectively and with strong commitment towards harnessing those opportunities in a best possible manner one could muster.

Insight: Microcredit fairy tale

Dr. Sudhirender Sharma

Daniel N. White is an electronic `acquaintance' who is connected because we share our common concerns around `micro-credit'. Daniel does a blue-collar job, lives in Austin, Texas and has a skeptical enquiring mind. Else, he'd not be questioning the Grameen Bank's micro-credit model of development. Having read one of my critical pieces in The Hindu (see link below), Daniel wanted some ideas for good questions to ask Nobel Laureate Mohd. Yunus, during the booksigning event at the local bookstore, BookPeople, in January 2008.

Says Daniel, `tmost everybody is brainwashed by the corporate PR that passes for news these days, and most everyone will be thinking that the Grameen Bank development model is the greatest invention to come down the pike since the wheel was invented. Yunus will be getting a bunch of ignorant, kissy-assed questions, and I'd like to ask him a good hard one or two.' Daniel's report on the event, being published by Black Commentator, makes interesting reading.

Yunus the media phenomenon. Kissinger was one once, Brittney Spears is one now. The mechanism by which it is decided that you get to be/should be one is one that requires investigation, as it is a most interesting and important sociological phenomenon. I am sure I am right that Yunus' selection is in large part for his being a cheerleader for capatalism. His only selecting good-looking women in the audience to ask questions makes me wonder if he might be heading down the Brittney Spears path. Should be an interesting show if that happens!

I listened to Yunus tell his story of how he came to start Grameen Bank, and how the important thing now was that he was doing things to promote busineses with a social objective.

Yunus was weak on explaining what exactly the latter concept is and how it is supposed to work. While there are success stories from Grameen's files, they are proof of nothing but the desperate crying need for capital in the third world rural sector.

The drawback to microcredit is that the historical record shows these rates in aggregate over time are horribly destructive. Microcredit's track record is short; history's is long. And nobody smart bets against history.

Yunus has definitely tapped into something in the American psyche, in particular the well-intentioned white educated younger demographic's. Yunus' praise of individualistic capitalism certainly is a message that suits the stone hearts and tin ears of ruling elite America, and that accounts for much of his stateside PR. Yunus is telling us a wonderful fairy tale about how capitalism actually works if done right, and how if done right in the rural Third World it will save those people from underdevelopment and lives of hardship and misery.

In the US, people are torn by their deeply ingrained beliefs in capitalism, which we most all have due to the relentless propaganda for same that has always surrounded us in our daily lives. Most everyone knows in their heart that the large corporations run things in this country, both the economic and the political end of things, and that they are fundamentally more heartless organisations than the mafia. People want to believe the propaganda they are surrounded with, even if their own experience tells them otherwise; it is just so much easier that way.

Yunus' fable of capitalist success yielding a saved third world allows people here the luxury of believing in the fairy tale we know consciously as adults is mostly false. It saves us all a great deal of cognitive dissonance, which after all is hard work. It may not work here that well, but Yunus tells us it will work THERE, a far-away there that we know not at all, and we are happy because of it.

(Yunus picked on three good-looking women for their questions following his speech and left Daniel fuming with his question: `Dr Yunus, why is it that your 36 % interest rate (or even more) microcredit loans are going to promote rural development when historically those same interest rates destroyed small farmer landowning and turned yeoman landed farmers to landless peasants?')

Beirut: A beautiful and tortured city stays alive

Cal Perry

THINGS are quiet now - but optimism is not something easily found on the streets of Beirut. I shudder to say that things are quiet, afraid the moment you say it - it changes in an instant. This city looks and feels like every generalisation that you hear about Beirut. Bullet holes from the civil war are now side by side with fresh scars from this week's most recent crisis.

Six days ago I was pinned down by intense gunfire that lasted more than an hour in the centre of the city with our cameraman. The Army had shouted at us to run to their location when the shooting started. They looked nervous from the sniper fire, but also looked seasoned - this is something they have seen before. Unfortunately, it's something everyone in this city has seen before.

The Army is deployed in force throughout the city. It's jarring to drive through the centre of the city and coming across armoured vehicles and soldiers - some catching a nap in the shade. I don't think anyone can understand how that feels unless you've been here and become used to such a military presence.

The Army has come back to western Beirut, as the gunmen of Hezbollah seemed to have simply slipped away as easily as they came - leaving in silence, after arriving with thunder. I've noticed in the Christian neighbourhood the Army is standing on nearly every corner. No one wants the Christian militias to get involved because everyone in Beirut can remember the bloody civil war - the Christian militias were heavily involved in the fighting then.

People should know how beautiful Beirut is - but more than that, how resilient this city is. When the gunfire was raging down town, people were sitting in cafés nearby - enjoying an afternoon drink. So too was the famous Jemmayzeh Street. I remember during the war with Israel this street was open even then. But this is different - it's worse in many ways. This is internal fighting, something that strikes a chord with everyone who lives here. For many, including our staff here it's easier to reconcile a war with a neighbour than war within the country. It's an overwhelming feeling that's swept this city.

People here are taking a deep breath; plotting with their families how to leave if the situation goes further downhill. Stocking up on food and water - preparing for the worst, just in case. The media here has broken out the flak jackets, helmets and security advisers. Word sweeps from time to time about a crew under fire - or a crew hurt. There have already been journalists shot covering this new crisis. I saw something I never thought I would see in my life - Iraqi civilians, fleeing the fighting here in Beirut, unable to even find safety outside of their broken nation.

Someone asked me who was the winner in the current situation. Certainly the Army - who did not splinter and cleared the gunmen from the streets without firing a shot - playing politics, something that's incredibly complicated here in Lebanon. But, the real winner is Lebanon and its people - who hope they've avoided yet again the dark and horrible road to another civil war.