The New Nation - Internet Edition

Save the RMG sector

A RECENT study on the Readymade Garment sector by the Directorate of Inspection for Factories and Establishments (DIFE) reveals an alarming picture and exposes the causes behind labour unrest. It gives a different explanation of the workers’ agitation termed as the outcome of conspiracies by some interested quarters. According media reports, DIFE conducted the study covering 1596 factories last year. The study shows, 145 garment manufacturers have not implemented the minimum wage award of Tk 1660 per month while 262 factories do not pay regular salary to workers. The study found 223 factories not paying overtime pay while the working condition in at least 319 factories is 'below standard’.

A source close to DIFE is reported to have identified irregular payment of salary to tens of thousands of workers as the cause behind the recent unrest in the garment factories. DIFE sued 78 garment manufacturers and is going to lodge cases against another 100 factories for violating key labour laws. However, rejecting the study report of DIFE as 'baseless’, BGMEA and the BKMEA leaders claimed that only 24 factories had not implemented the minimum wage award. Earlier, the labour unrests were ascribed to conspiracies by some vested quarters. Such an allegation might have some elements of truth. But it seems not to have addressed the real cause. The findings of the DIFE seem not altogether unfounded as garment manufacturers agree that at least some of the factories do not comply with the labour laws. Some factory owners might consider non-compliance with the labour laws or irregular payment of workers as a gain. This apparent gain might turn into ultimate loss. At stake is the very future of this vital sector of the economy that provides employment for more than 2.4 million workers and brings in 76 per cent of the country’s annual foreign exchange earnings.

Bangladesh, the second highest readymade garment exporter, now faces tough competition in international markets. It is thus the time for all concerned to sit together to identify the real causes of labour unrest and work out an agreed solution. First of all, the sense of deprivation must be removed from the minds of the workers, otherwise mere punitive measures by the law enforcing agencies will not be able to stop workers from taking part in agitation. The stakeholders including the government should evolve a mechanism to have an eye on the grievances of the workers and mitigate them. It must be realised that violation of labour laws, irregular payment and the resultant unrest would only divert foreign buyers to other exporters.

Implementation of ADP

IT is reported in a section of the press that implementation of development projects in the current fiscal year remains quite slow. Executives in different sectors of the economy opted for dilatory practices. They have done this despite the availability of revenue resources and the inflow of external aid and grants. The collection of revenue has showed an uptrend and the bulk of such revenue resources remains in the treasury. Even the use of aid and grants from development partners remains uncertain. That being so, the rate of growth of the economy may be lower than the target set for the years.

The overall growth of the economy depends on proper use of internal revenue resources and external aid and grants. The responsibility for optimising the use of internal and external resources falls upon the shoulders of policy makers in the government and executives in charge of the implementaton of development projects. They should work in a collaborative manner for implementing projects in different sectors of the economy.

The use of the revenue resources as well as the aid and grants from development partners, including international agencies like the UNDP, the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, may remain uncertain because of slow implementation of projects. The policy makers in the caretaker government, the official agencies like the Planning Commission, the Economic Relations Division and relevant official agencies seem to have not worked efficiently during the past six months of the current fiscal year.

Moves for optimisation of the collection and the use of public resources should be taken without any further loss of time. The uptrend in the collection of revenue under different heads including income tax, VAT and import and export duties is to be noted by all quarters. If the uptrend in revenue collection is retained in coming years then the dependence on aid and grants would go gradually.

The inadequacies of infrastructure facilities and in services like the healthcare system and even in production units in the primary and secondary sectors of the economy remain quite pronounced. If the process of planning and implementation of development projects in different sectors of the economy are updated such inadequacies would no longer be there.

A belated good move for the Police

Razzak Raza

The government has granted tk-18 crore for the financial year of 2007-2008 to the police to meet the cost of investigation. It had been the long-demanded police requirement that an investigating officer would be given with necessary money to meet the cost of investigation. But the past regimes admittedly refused to fulfill this popular demand. Now, the government's approval of providing money to the police for investigation cost speaks itself of the logic. It is, indeed, the police sub-inspectors who are appointed primarily to investigate cases, had to lose money from their own pockets. However, the investigation is the prime area of police work where corruption can take root deeply. The sub inspectors step into the dark world of corruption primarily to realize the investigation cost and secondarily to earn extra money to maintain their family and lastly to amass wealth.

But still the amount of money allocated for each case is far less than the police requirement. The Police Head Quarters demanded Tk 32.65 crore as investigation cost for the current financial year. But the allocated sum is only the half of their demand. The cases, in this purpose, have been divided into four categories. Each category has different rate of allocation, such as-

Category 1: Dacoity & Murder;

Category 2: Abduction;

Category 3: Robbery & Unnatural Death;

Category 4: Others.

Classification of Cases According to Investigation Cost

From now on investigation officers will get Tk 3,000 for the investigation cost of each murder and dacoity case, Tk 2,000 for robbery and unnatural death case, Tk 1,000 for women and children repression related case, Tk 2,500 for abduction case, Tk 1,000 for law and order related cases and Tk 1,000 for investigation of other offences.

The proposal projected investigation cost of each murder and dacoity case at Tk 5,000, robbery case at Tk 3,000, women and children repression case at Tk 3,000, abduction case at Tk 4,000, law and order related case at Tk 2,000, unnatural death case at Tk 3,000 and other offences at Tk 2,000(Daily Star 20/09/07).

Here, the division of categories needs to be re-thought about. In the Penal Code causing the death of a human being by a human being is termed as homicide. Homicide could be differentiated as culpable homicide and murder. If murder is construed only by the penal section of 302 the other sections would go to the fourth category. But that would be a loss for the concern investigating officers.

For, the investigation of a culpable homicide sometimes costs more than that of a murder case. Moreover, a clueless murder case and a murder resulting to altercation between kinsmen never bear equal intricacy. A clueless murder case demands much more financial cost and professional arts. So, these two sorts of cases should never be measured in the same balance.

Dacoity and robbery are the same kind of criminal offences which differ only by degrees. When five or more persons commit the offence, a robbery turns into a dacoity. So, the expenditure of investigation of a dacoity case may not differ from that of a robbery case at a large margin.

Except dacoity, murder, abduction, robbery and unnatural death all other cases are put into the forth category for which the rate of investigation is only 1,000 taka per case. By this classification the case of notorious Grande Attack on the former Prime Minister Shake Hasina on 21 August/2004 can demand only 1,000 taka for its investigation cost. Isn't it ridiculous?

Investigation of cases under the Explosive Substance Act or other cases relating to explosive needs huge amount of money. It is very difficult and sometimes nearly impossible to find out the culprits when a bomb was exploded. For no alamat is found with the offenders. Once the bomb is thrown, the offender is nothing more than a common person. It is the investigating officer who is to dig out the evidence. Very often he has to engage paid sources and buy related information. So, cases under Explosive Substance Act should be placed in the first category.

Investigation of case, specially the intricate one, may not be finished by a single investigating officer. More than one officer and even more than one unit of the police may involve in the investigation of a single case.

An investigating officer may transfer or he would be kept out of investigation. A case might be transferred to the CID from the district police. A case might be further investigated more than once. In case of further investigation usually a different investigating officer is needed. Now, what will happen when a case is investigated by more than one officer? Who will get the investigation cost? Is it possible to allocate money more than once for the same case?

In my view, the classification should be re-thought and there must also be some flexibility to pay the money to the investigating officers. The supervising officers should be given the chance to apply their discretion to allocate the money for each case. There should be provision that the investigation cost will be regulated by the supervising officers.

We must think about the other side of the problem, too. Police officers recording cases have the chance to manipulate the opportunity. Number of cases might be increased considering that every case has its cost. The more case you record the more money you get. Corrupt police officers may record unnecessary cases which will be the tools of harassing innocent people. The Officer-in-Charge of the police station may be biased. He may engage his blue eyed boys in simple cases with higher rate of investigation cost.

However, this is a new phenomenon for the police department. There are scopes of thinking and re-thinking. An agreeable mechanism should be developed in course of practice. The police bosses must be careful so that the opportunity could not be misused. They must cheek the internal corruption which could be practiced due to the use of allocated money as investigation cost.

The allocation of money for the cost of investigation of cases speaks volumes of the past sufferings of the police officers. The allocation proves that the money is needed for the police sub-inspectors who are appointed primarily for investigation. The police bosses demanding Tk-32.65 crore for the current fiscal year, positively meant the business.

It is not that, as the government did not allocate fund for the investigation cost, the police did not investigate. They performed the job assigned for and the necessary expenditure was met by hook or by crock. It is clear that the investigating officers of the police either spent money from their own pockets for performing the official work or they realized the money from the public, in plain word we may say they took bribe.

Though the public perception on the police is that they are corrupt, that is, police realize bribes from the public, it is a blatant fact that taking money from public was a necessity for the police especially for the investigating officers. The honest officers meet the investigation cost from their honest earnings pushing themselves into poverty while the crooked ones manage it in crooked ways.

This loop hole in the police management termed the police to be the corrupt organization in the eyes of the public. Now, the allocation of money to meet the investigation cost will be a compensation for the financial loss of the police officers incurring during the investigation.

Destiny of Pakistan

Dr.Abdul Ruff

Already immersed in a nasty US-led war against Afghanistan's so-called Al-Qaeda, killing hundreds of Muslims every month, Pakistan has been undergoing a turbulent era for quite some time now. December 27, 2007 at military based Rawalpindi city seems to mark another culminating point for a country embroiled in a struggle between politicians for power, foreign interferences, religious groups legitimately demanding Islamic Pakistan and the so-called liberal "democratic" forces looking West which former premiers Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif led. Destiny of Pakistan is clouded amid the resultant ugly scenes in regions like Baluchistan, Sindh and Waziristan do not indicate that the Pakistani leaders are seriously thinking about Pakistan's future or Pakistan is heading for a great power status.

The country's political problems started earlier in the year, when movement started targeting on President Musharraf's exit and exuberated after Musharraf suspended the country's chief justice in March. The move outraged many in Pakistan and sparked violent street protests. Encouraged by media of India and West thousands of "pro-democracy" activists continued to demand ouster of Musharraf and were detained, judges believed to be hostile to the government were dismissed and Pakistan's independent television stations, which came into being under Musharraf, were forced off the air. Return of Benazir and Sharif added new dimensions to the turmoil in the country with poll dates declared. Abetted from outside interferences, Pakistan seems to be wedded to crimes, and Benazir was no stranger to violence either. Her father was hanged in 1979 following a military coup. The Islamic nation's first premier, Liaquat Ali Khan, was shot dead in 1951, and her father Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was executed in 1979 for allegedly conspiring to kill a rival. All three died in Rawalpindi, the garrison city of the Punjabi-dominated army - a fact not lost on the thousands who gathered for Benazir's funeral at her ancestral home, where she was buried beside her father. Her return to Karachi in October after years of exile resulted in a suicide bombing attack which narrowly missed the 54-year-old former prime minister. But more than 130 people were killed in the bombing. The government blamed the attack on pro al-Qaeda "militants". Problem with Pakistan is that every political party and every media chief here talk favorable things that benefit them exclusively.

Emergency is bad for any civilized society, but political bickering resulted in emergency clamped in Pakistan. Upon lifting of emergency the stage seemed to have been set for the murder of Benazir. President Musharraf defended the emergency rule, citing political turmoil and rising terrorism in parts of the country. He said, "Inaction at this moment is suicide for Pakistan and I cannot allow this country to commit suicide." Under intense internal and external pressure, Musharraf relinquished his military post in November to become a civilian president, withdrew emergency and promised to hold free and fair elections in 2009. Some have rightly warned that the integrity of the elections however is seriously compromised and not seen as representative of the will of the people, so this nation could face increased civil conflict and the military could become further entrenched in the nation's political life.

While President Musharraf lifted emergency rule and amended the country's constitution, some political observers believe the elections are now in jeopardy because of Bhutto's assassination-another sign that turmoil in Pakistan will continue during and after the poll. Under the circumstances, turbulence would increase as the elections scheduled in February approach. Critics say President Musharraf will try to keep a strong grip on power by manipulating the polls. "One certainly cannot sacrifice the stability and the development of the nation for the sake of your views on democracy or civil liberties or human rights," Musharraf said. Popular approval in the polls might discourage a hostile parliament and dissuade it from trying to impeach him for imposing emergency rule and amending the constitution. Most legal experts, however, reject Musharraf's assertions that amendments made during the six-week long state of emergency do not require approval from a new parliament.

Meanwhile, a new version of tragedy says, Benazir was attacked when she emerged from the sun-roof of her car after addressing the rally in the garrison city. Musharraf said during an interaction with reporters that Benazir had thrown caution to the wind and gone to Liaquat Bagh despite being alerted about threats to her life. The investigations are on and are trying hard to link the murder to the so-called "terrorists".

One could question Ms. Bhutto's political farsightedness too. As premier for two terms she did not do much for Pakistan quite sincerely and was keen only swindle the resources for future use. But cold-blooded murder of Benazir cannot be attributed to the end of an unsuccessful dynasty, though like any other dynasty, Bhutto family was interested more in their own welfare in the name of democracy. In politics Benazir, who keenly observed her father's political maneuverings up close, and always believed she was the chosen one and the fact is that she is the daughter of ZA Bhutto and everything else is secondary. Equally true is that Benazir Bhutto's record in power twice left ample room for skepticism. During her two stints in that job - first from 1988 to 1990 and again from 1993 to 1996 - she developed a reputation for acting imperiously and impulsively.

Fate of Benazir came crashing down as poll was fast approaching when possibly anti-Pakistani and anti-Islamic forces knocked her own once for all. After the first unsuccessful attack, Bhutto blamed President Musharraf for allowing extremists to hold the country hostage. "The political process is under attack, political leaders are being bombed, political activists are being bombed our country is in danger. Our country is in danger from the extremism that has spread under dictatorship," she said. Did she want to die for her party and children, when she violated the security rules? Or, for Pakistan?

Rejecting allegations of a security lapse, local authorities in Pakistan's Rawalpindi have blamed Opposition leader Benazir Bhutto's personal security staff for not stopping her from exposing herself which allowed her assassins to target her. A detailed report regarding security arrangements made by the Rawalpindi city administration for Benazir during her December 27 rally in Liaquat Bagh had been submitted to President Musharraf. The report makes it clear that there have been no security lapses regarding the protection of Benazir Bhutto and held the personal security staff of Benazir, including her security advisor Rehman Malik and a police officer and other persons sitting in her bulletproof vehicle, responsible for not stopping her from coming out of the sun-roof to wave to her supporters.

Death of Benazir would by all means add a lot of more votes for her PPP party in the forthcoming poll. Benazir's son, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, who now officially heads the PPP, like his mother did when she was abroad for many years, has begun his press meets and statement issuances from London. Elections, no matter when they are held are likely to favor PPP thanks to the sympathy waves across the country for Benazir's tragic end. Such sympathetic gestures are uncommon in the world. In India, for instance, the same sympathy waves worked for the Congress party at least twice, when former premiers Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi were killed one after another in similar situations. In fact the first round of poll was over with Congress party doing very badly when Rajiv Gandhi was murdered in a blast, but the results of the remaining rounds were overwhelmingly for the Congress party that saw Narasimha Rao becoming PM. Remember, during his tenure, considered as weak period, the Grand Babri Mosque was destroyed by the anti-Islamic forces operating in the country and he immediately pledged to the nation that the Mosque would be rebuilt at the same sight very soon. Still that " very soon" has not yet come for the government and nation.

Ethnic Pashtuns who live in areas bordering Afghanistan where they are the majority - mostly in the volatile northwest - also said the political balance must shift. "Pakistan cannot run the way they are running the federation: that Pakistan is Punjab and Punjab is Pakistan," said Asfandyar Wali Khan, president of the Awami National Party, Pakistan's largest Pashtun nationalist group. Still, few citizens even in the three minority provinces want outright separation from Pakistan. Memories of the country's last painful division are still fresh. There people just want more autonomy. It was under the presidency of Bhutto's father that eastern Pakistan splintered off into today's Bangladesh in the early 1970s after a humiliating military defeat by India. His charismatic rule during that time spawned the political legacy that carried over to his daughter. "If Baluchistan is given control over its resources and the province is allowed to participate in national affairs, and the province is given representation in the establishment and foreign services, this conflict will end," he said. Secessionist" sentiments remain strongest in Baluchistan, Pakistan's biggest and poorest province, where the army is deployed to fight ethnic rebels who often attack energy infrastructure - much of the natural gas piped into homes in Punjab originates here. Sardar Attaullah Mengal, chief of Baluchistan National Party, alleged the rebels were motivated by torture and abduction of young men by government forces. Mengal, a former chief minister of the province, said: "Punjab will have to give rights to Baluchistan and other provinces on the basis of equality if they have to live in Pakistan. Any other status lesser than that is not acceptable."