The New Nation - Internet Edition

IN a prompt response to the dire need of the worst affected Sidr-survivors, World Food Programme (WFP) of United Nations has come up in a big way with an announcement of a 52-million US dollar plan to provide emergency food aid to 2.2 million affected people. The aim of WFP is to prevent the incidence of malnutrition in the region. A recent UN assessment found these people in need of immediate food assistance. On November 15 super cyclone Sidr ravaged 34 south and southwestern districts, with people of 5 of those being the worst affected, and caused a colossal loss of lives and properties. It left about 4,000 people dead. Several thousand others are missing while 35,000 people are reported injured. Crops worth about Tk. 2000 crore on some 5.53 lakh hectares of land have been damaged. Most people of the affected areas have been rendered jobless. Their crops were almost completely damaged before the harvest. The tidal surge washed away whatever food stocks they had. The people are in dire need for immediate help. They are under serious threat of malnutrition and other health problems.

A lean period of food shortage prevails in Bangladesh before the Aman harvest, as stocks of crops dwindle. According to WFP, this leads to 15 percent increase in acute malnutrition rates. If there happens to be a natural calamity prior to a harvest, the food shortage and malnutrition rates get multiplied. An acute food insecurity had been prevailing before relief works could be started in the cyclone-hit areas. WFP has come forward with support to feed the worst affected people for six months. Such an initiative could not come at a better time. This urgent and timely initiative of the World Food Programme has been matched by a government declaration that all the families in the affected areas would be provided with food grains through the Vulnerable Group Feeding (VGF) programme till the next harvest. The feeding programme is supposed to ensure food security for them, at least in part, and serve as a respite before they can initiate their own income generating activities.

Rehabilitation works alongside immediate relief operations have become urgent in the cyclone-affected districts. The government is planning a massive programme to rebuild shattered homes and infrastructure with support from donors. It is believed that such efforts would help revive the economy in the affected regions. The people should be given interest-free loans so that they can recuperate losses and resume their own professions. WFP's support to feed the people of the most affected areas during the difficult days that they are now passing through would embolden the efforts of the government and local communities to rehabilitate them.

FOREIGN direct investments (FDIs) are important because investments hold the key to economic growth which in turn leads to creation of jobs and increase of wealth for economic expansion. But FDIs into Bangladesh continue to be far less than the potential. Major foreign investors in some cases are losing their interest and this is a cause of concern. The United States and Japan are the leading foreign investors in Bangladesh. The embassies of both countries last year handed over reports to the government in which they expressed their dissatisfaction with the environment for foreign investments. Clearly, the government in Bangladesh needs to take these evaluations seriously and act in response to them.

The evaluation of the FDI scene, specially the one done by the Japanese, highlighted that the government then seemed to be completely uncaring about the difficulties pointed out by the foreign investors from time to time. The report stressed that governments of other countries which aspire to receive FDIs usually conduct surveys on their own to learn about what difficulties foreign investors face. They then take steps swiftly to remove them. But our government has not been seen engaging in such fact-finding exercises. One very serious problem stressed in the reports of the Japanese and US embassies was the lack of continuation of policies. Investors seek continuation of policies regardless of changes of government for the safety and viability of their investment in medium and long terms. But a successor government in Bangladesh tends to refuse to see the merit of the policies of its predecessor in some cases. Thus, foreign investors find it difficult to invest with medium or longer term objectives as government policies here fluctuate and add to risks to their investments.

The reports further underscored the gulf between the pledges and the reality in Bangladesh. The pledged one-stop service at the Board of Investment (BOI) is still not a reality. They also complain about delaying and frustrating bureaucratic procedures that undermine their interest to invest. Unreliable electricity supply is found to be a serious problem. Power supply is unsatisfactory even in the export processing zones (EPZs) where the foreign investments are concentrated. The efficiency of the Chittagong port has improved notably in recent months but more facilities at this port and related support in other areas of the country are needed to convince foreign investors that vital infrastructures in this country are competitive.

The reports also pointed to the weekly working days. Offices in Bangladesh close practically from Thursday evening and Friday is a full holiday. In other parts of the world, Saturdays and Sundays are holidays. The government needs to take these reports from the two biggest foreign investors very seriously. If increase of foreign investments is really desired, then the grievances of the foreign investors must be addressed properly.

Nava Thakuria

The debate on the indictment of Prafulla Kumar Mahanta, the two-time Chief Minister of (Asom) Assam continues in the media, even though it will serve no purpose. The issue started gaining momentum with the tabling of the Justice (Retired) K N Saikia Commission of Inquiry.

The Saikia Commission indicted Mahanta for his role in a series of killings of ULFA (United Liberation Front of Asom) kin (which later came to be known as secret killings) during his second term (1996-2001). Constituted by the present Tarun Gogoi-led government on August 22, 2005, the Commission blamed Mahanta, though not individually but as the then Chief Minister and also the Home Minister of Assam for his role in the extra-judicial killings. It firmly observed, "There is enough evidence to show that the then Home Minister was at the helm of these extra-constitutional killings."

But the news did not come as a surprise to the indigenous people of Assam, who were aware of the fact that to tame the banned outfit, Mahanta was involved in the assassination of close relatives of ULFA. The issue was discussed in public on many occasions in Assam, to highlight the attitude of the Mahanta government, which apparently adopted the infamous tactics of KPS Gill (the former Punjab super cop) to deal with the armed groups. The Gill theory, that arguably claims success in controlling the Punjab terrorism, says, if the armed groups continue killing the common man, arrange the assassination of the family members (or close relatives) of the outfit leaders, so they too feel the pain of losing someone in the family.

It may be recalled that the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), a culmination of the Assam agitation of 1985, swept the Assembly polls in the State and Mahanta became the Chief Minister of Assam. His close associate, Bhrigu Phukan, was sworn in as Home Minister. The regional party however couldn't repeat its success in the next Assembly election, which paved the way for Congress to regain power in Dispur. The AGP-led post-poll coalition came back to power after the 1996 assembly polls and Mahanta was the unanimous choice for the Chief Minister's post. This time too, he became the Home Minister.

The greatest challenge to Mahanta (both as Chief Minister and Home Minister) surfaced with the ULFA militants engaging in disruptive activities. The armed group, which continues fighting New Delhi for an independent Assam since 1979 was active in almost all parts of the State at the time. Frustrated with the relentless and unruly activities of ULFA, Mahanta decided to tackle insurgency with an iron hand and adopted a 'tit-for-tat' strategy.

The Saikia Commission saw a pattern in the killings involving ULFA leaders' family members or relatives. The assailants were equipped with sophisticated fire arms, the investigation was not commensurate with the seriousness of the crime, the government did not condole the deaths, no compensation was paid to the families of the victims, etc. It also pointed a finger at the police and security personnel saying that 'the army (meaning armed forces of the Union deployed in Assam to aid the State agencies) was ubiquitous.

It may be mentioned that the first Commission to probe the killings of ULFA kin, headed by a former Gauhati High Court judge, Meera Sarma, was disbanded in 2003 since she expressed her inability to continue. Earlier, another Commission, headed by Justice (Retired) Safiqul Haque (instituted by the Mahanta government), which conducted an enquiry into one case (involving Ananta Kalita), was also terminated by the Congress government in 2001. The second Commission headed by Justice (Retired) J N Sarma, in its interim report, revealed that it did not have enough evidence against Mahanta. The Tarun Gogoi cabinet termed it inconclusive. However, the government had to submit both the reports (J N Sharma's and K N Saikia's) to the Assembly following an order of the Gauhati High Court.

Now the debate has been triggered by those who question the legitimacy of the Saikia Commission. A senior Assamese journalist wrote in his regular media column that 'while the Sharma Commission report says it could not pinpoint responsibility in the cases referred to it, the Saikia Commission noted that there was enough evidence against the then Home Minister; Now for an ordinary mortal like me, which report do I accept?'

The Guwahati based journalist added, "Now, here was a report that had not indicted Mahanta or anyone, and here was another that has indicted Mahanta and the police under his dispensation then and some surrendered ULFA rebels. Doesn't it mean that the end result is zero because the two reports have neutralized each other?"

Almost the same viewpoint has been expressed by another reporter, "One Commission's findings found Mahanta guilty while the other gave him a clean chit which once again leaves the question wide open regarding the architect of the secret killings. Probably another Commission would be set up to investigate the authenticity of the two Commissions and so forth. Therefore till the tug of war continues the public needs to sit back and grope in the dark for an answer to the secret behind secret killings."

An editorial in 'The Sentinel', a leading English daily published from Guwahati, was also apprehensive about the findings. The November 17 editorial of the daily said, "Have the two successive Inquiry Commissions for the same lot of 'secret killings' really solved any problem of the people who are without any security in this State of ours? Have they even achieved anything really worthwhile for the administration? There is room for a great deal of doubt. If the Sarma Commission has been totally clueless about the identity of the killers, the Saikia Commission has been only a little more specific."

However, the Assamese dailies unanimously raised their voice against Mahanta and weighed in with the Saikia Commission. 'The Assam Tribune', the premier English daily of Northeast India openly praised the Saikia Commission for doing 'a commendable job by unveiling the secret killings and exposing the powerful people orchestrating these operations through the police-Ulfa nexus'. An editorial in the daily dated November 18 and titled 'Secret killings unveiled' said 'the 'Saikia Commission deserves full credit for bringing out the truth which will restore public confidence in democratic institutions'.

Pointing a finger at the student leader-turned-politician, the editorial went on, "The image of Prafulla Kumar Mahanta and the AGP have been sullied beyond repair by the revelations in the report of Saikia Commission of Inquiry. Nobody would buy Mahanta's argument that the Gogoi government manipulated Justice (Rtd) Saikia to get a suitable report for their political end. Such remarks in respect of a distinguished Judge like K N Saikia deserve condemnation."

At another point, the editorial clarified that 'the argument that Saikia Commission has no jurisdiction has been dismissed by the Gauhati High Court'. Talking about the rejected Sharma Commission, it stated, "The State government has rightly rejected the report of Justice (Rtd) JN Sharma commission, which is superficial and perfunctory and clearly wastage of time and government's money."

Meanwhile, of course, the Saikia Commission has started receiving appreciation from various organizations including student bodies and civil rights groups. Two powerful student organizations, namely the All Assam Students Union (which was once led by Mahanta himself during the days of agitation) and the Asom Jatiyatabadi Yuba Chatra Parishad came out in public demanding stringent punishment for those found guilty of perpetrating the killings. The Manav Adhikar Sangram Samity, a civil rights body, even set a three-month deadline to the government to arrest those found responsible for the killings of ULFA kin.

Unfortunately for Mahanta, who now leads a breakaway group of the Asom Gana Parishad (Progressive), his former AGP colleagues have asked him to own responsibility in his individual capacity. Announcing the stand of the party, the AGP President Brindaban Goswami declared that Mahanta must be held individually answerable to his indictment by the Saikia Commission. Terming the policy of secret killings as a violation of fundamental and human rights, Goswami also added, "Mahanta is answerable to the people of Assam after his indictment."

(The writer is a senior journalist based in Guwahati, Assam)

Md. Monirul Islam

While I was in greater concentration to read the article published in "The New York Times" on November 18, 2007 by name as "Pakistan's Collapse, Our Problem" by FREDERICK W. KAGAN and MICHAEL O'HANLON, my sense of organ firstly didn't deem what is to be read out. Here a sovereign country's existence has been shown as so silly that writers of this article have demonstrated it in their writing; as if the sovereignty of Pakistan were borrowed outer one for paying it when the owner like U.S will demand. And if the borrower doesn't do that, he must be obeyed as directed by this owner of sovereignty.

Writers proclaim we do not intend to be fear mongers. Pakistan's officer corps and ruling elites remain largely moderate and more interested in building a strong, modern state than in exporting terrorism or nuclear weapons to the highest bidder. But then again, Americans felt similarly about the shah's regime in Iran until it was too late.

Their intention, admiring Pakistan elite class to say moderate, is more likely forged to grab Pakistan's nuclear technology under their occupation. They have blamed Iran, but Iranian country's current overall scenario mainly their successful or peaceful operation of nuclear technology has been either tremor or jealousy.

The article also reveals the most likely possible dangers are these: a complete collapse of Pakistani government rule that allows an extreme Islamist movement to fill the vacuum; a total loss of federal control over outlying provinces, which splinter along ethnic and tribal lines; or a struggle within the Pakistani military in which the minority sympathetic to the Taliban and Al Qaeda try to establish Pakistan as a state sponsor of terrorism.

A thing is to be taken in mind, if Pakistan is collapsed, not extremists' ascendancy but U.S process of intervention would be sited. U.S, in the name of tearing down terrorists, will show their interest or inclination to raze Islamic forces or parties in the country because of the shake shown by S. P Huntington in his famous writing, The Clash of Civilization in Foreign Affairs Journal in 1996 as written Islam will be the threat to west. If that's so, Pakistan would be shaped likewise another Iraq or Afghanistan.

U.S targets on controlling over Pakistan psychically; writers, in this parlance, in their writing have calculated the size of Pakistan in such way that all possible military initiatives to avoid those possibilities are daunting. With 160 million people, Pakistan is more than five times the size of Iraq. It would take a long time to move large numbers of American forces halfway across the world. And unless we had precise information about the location of all of Pakistan's nuclear weapons and materials, we could not rely on bombing or using Special Forces to destroy them.

To make their views valid, writers' propagation is to locate under rule-of thumb. They disclosed that rule-of-thumb estimates suggest that a force of more than a million troops would be required for a country of this size. Thus, if we have any hope of success, we would have to act before a complete government collapse, and we would need the cooperation of moderate Pakistani forces. What a game would be played for the next has probably been completed through this calculating process.

Two writers suggest U.S government to do to make world public consent in their favor through writing this article. They want to control over Pakistan earlier, if Pakistan is not collapsed, their mean inclination would not be executed in this moment because it is high time.

Writers of this article have shown their audacity to suggest in such a manner that a second, broader option would involve supporting the core of the Pakistani armed forces as they sought to hold the country together in the face of an ineffective government, seceding border regions and Al Qaeda and Taliban assassination attempts against the leadership. This would require a sizable combat force - not only from the United States, but ideally also other Western powers and moderate Muslim nations.

Pakistan is a sovereign country and no country can aspirate to rule this country jointly with the military of Pakistan. It is the naked clout to the sovereignty of an independent country, isn't it? It seems to me, if a viable government in place of U.S patronized military government or any force comes to power through upcoming election of Pakistan, all sorts of extremism's impetus would be lapsed.

This article also reveals we would also have to be wary of internecine warfare within the Pakistani security forces. Pro-American moderates could well win a fight against extremist sympathizers on their own. But they might need help if splinter forces or radical Islamists took control of parts of the country containing crucial nuclear materials. The task of retaking any such regions and reclaiming custody of any nuclear weapons would be a priority for our troops.

This phase makes a notion; they are hesitated with the likelihood internecine warfare within the Pakistani security forces. What's their shilly-shallying in this regard? No one can imagine pro-American moderates within security forces and even within nation in Pakistan might be surfaced. In fact, U.S has accomplished to sow the seeds of pro-American moderates inside the security forces and people, who might be considered the 'stockjobber' in a sense. Writers of this article have disclosed camouflaged character of U.S in generating 'stockjobber' in Pakistan doing for U.S.

Lastly, writers said the great paradox of the post-cold war world is that we are both safer, day to day, and in greater peril than before. There was a time when volatility in places like Pakistan was mostly a humanitarian worry; today it is as much a threat to our basic security as Soviet tanks once were. We must be militarily and diplomatically prepared to keep ourselves safe in such a world. Pakistan may be the next big test.

Pakistan, according to them, is regarded as the threat as emerged Soviet Union in cold war period. In this perspective, an announcement is well enough; Pakistan is not there, where Soviet Union was in terms of military prowess, diplomatic bargain and overall economic and political scenario. The target to intervene Pakistan in the name of saving security and its military and diplomatic preparation are the endeavor of nothing else dominion not only over Pakistan but all Muslim countries in the world. Their final annunciation Pakistan may be the next big test, but seeming to me, U.S may be… for Pakistan and rest of the Muslim world.